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April 2025 was a busy month for space. Pop icon Katy Perry joined five other civilian women on a quick jaunt to the edge of space, making headlines. Meanwhile, another group of people at the United Nations was contemplating a critical issue for the future of space exploration: the discovery, extraction and utilization of natural resources on the Moon. At the end of April, a dedicated Working Group of the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space released a draft set of recommended principles for space resource activities. Essentially, these are rules to govern mining on the Moon, asteroids and elsewhere in space for elements that are rare here on Earth. As a space lawyer and co-founder of For All Moonkind, a nonprofit dedicated to protecting human heritage in outer space, I know that the Moon could be the proving ground for humanitys evolution into a species that lives and thrives on more than one planet. However, this new frontier raises complex legal questions. Space, legally Outer spaceincluding the Moonfrom a legal perspective, is a unique domain without direct terrestrial equivalent. It is not, like the high seas, the common heritage of humankind, nor is it an area, like Antarctica, where commercial mining is prohibited. Instead, the 1967 Outer Space Treatysigned by more than 115 nations, including China, Russia and the United Statesestablishes that the exploration and use of space are the province of all humankind. That means no country may claim territory in outer space, and all have the right to access all areas of the Moon and other celestial bodies freely. The fact that, pursuant to Article II of the treaty, a country cannot claim territory in outer space, known as the nonappropriation principle, suggests to some that property ownership in space is forbidden. Can this be true? If your grandchildren move to Mars, will they never own a home? How can a company protect its investment in a lunar mine if it must be freely accessible by all? What happens, as it inevitably will, when two rovers race to a particular area on the lunar surface known to host valuable water ice? Does the winner take all? As it turns out, the Outer Space Treaty does offer some wiggle room. Article IX requires countries to show due regard for the corresponding interests of others. It is a legally vague standard, although the Permanent Court of Arbitration has suggested that due regard means simply paying attention to whats reasonable under the circumstances. First mover advantageits a race The treatys broad language encourages a race to the Moon. The first entity to any spot will have a unilateral opportunity to determine whats legally reasonable. For example, creating an overly large buffer zone around equipment might be justified to mitigate potential damage from lunar dust. On top of that, Article XII of the Outer Space Treaty assumes that there will be installations, like bases or mining operations, on the Moon. Contrary to the free access principle, the treaty suggests that access to these may be blocked unless the owner grants permission to enter. Both of these paths within the treaty would allow the first person to make it to their desired spot on the Moon to keep others out. The U.N. principles in their current form dont address these loopholes. The draft U.N. principles released in April mirror, and are confined by, the language of the Outer Space Treaty. This tension between free access and the need to protectmost easily by forbidding accessremains unresolved. And the clock is ticking. The Moons vulnerable legacy The U.S. Artemis program aims to return humans to the Moon by 2028, China has plans for human return by 2030, and in the intervening years, more than 100 robotic missions are planned by countries and private industry alike. For the most part, these missions are all headed to the same sweet spot: the lunar south pole. Here, peaks of eternal light and deep craters containing water ice promise the best mining, science and research opportunities. In this excitement, its easy to forget that humans already have a deep history of lunar exploration. Scattered on the lunar surface are artifacts displaying humanitys technological progress. After centuries of gazing at our closest celestial neighbor with fascination, in 1959 the Soviet spacecraft, Luna 2, became the first human-made object to impact another celestial body. Ten years later, two humans, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin, became the first ever to set foot upon another celestial body. More recently, in 2019, Chinas Change 4 achieved the first soft landing on the Moons far side. And in 2023, Indias Chandrayaan-3 became the first to land successfully near the lunar south pole. These sites memorialize humanitys baby steps off our home planet and easily meet the United Nations definition of terrestrial heritage, as they are so exceptional as to transcend national boundaries and to be of common importance for present and future genertions of all humanity. The international community works to protect such sites on Earth, but those protection protocols do not extend to outer space. The more than 115 other sites on the Moon that bear evidence of human activity are frozen in time without degradation from weather, animal or human activity. But this could change. A single errant spacecraft or rover could kick up abrasive lunar dust, erasing bootprints or damaging artifacts. Protection and the Outer Space Treaty In 2011, NASA recommended establishing buffer, or safety zones, of up to 1.2 miles (2 kilometers) to protect certain sites with U.S. artifacts. Because it understood that outright exclusion violates the Outer Space Treaty, NASA issued these recommendations as voluntary guidelines. Nevertheless, the safety zone concept, essentially managing access to and activities around specific areas, could be a practical tool for protecting heritage sites. They could act as a starting point to find a balance between protection and access. One hundred and ninety-six nations have agreed, through the 1972 World Heritage Convention, on the importance of recognizing and protecting cultural heritage of universal value found here on Earth. Building on this agreement, the international community could require specific access protocolssuch as a permitting process, activity restrictions, shared access rules, monitoring and other controlsfor heritage sites on the Moon. If accepted, these protective measures for heritage sites could also work as a template for scientific and operational sites. This would create a consistent framework that avoids the perception of claiming territory. At this time, the draft U.N. principles released in April 2025 do not directly address the opposing concepts of access and protection. Instead, they defer to Article I of the Outer Space Treaty and reaffirm that everyone has free access to all areas of the Moon and other celestial bodies. As more countries and companies compete to reach the Moon, a clear lunar legal framework can guide them to avoid conflicts and preserve historical sites. The draft U.N. principles show that the international community is ready to explore what this framework could look like. Michelle L.D. Hanlon is a professor of air and space law at the University of Mississippi. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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E-Commerce
Were it not for his experience in North Dakota, Theodore Roosevelt said he never would have become president of the United States. After his first wife and mother died on the same day in 1884, the eventual 26th president retreated to modern-day North Dakota to mourn and reflect. Next July, more than a century after Roosevelts death, a presidential library in his honor is slated to open in the state that held so much significance in his life. And the visionaries behind the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library hope a visit to the Medora, North Dakota-based library will prove as restorative to people in the modern era as this area once was for Roosevelt. That may seem an ambitious goal, but this project offers an opportunity to expand the definition of what a presidential library can be, says Edward OKeefe, chief executive officer of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library Foundation. It was only fitting to take a land-first approach when celebrating a man who is synonymous with conservation and the national park system, he says. [Rendering: Snhetta] We wanted to build a place where you can learn about, and from, Theodore Roosevelt, where you can connect with friends and family and nature so you can decide what change you want to see in the world, OKeefe tells Fast Company. He wrote the book, The Loves of Theodore Roosevelt, which was released earlier this month. SOMETHING DYNAMICALLY DIFFERENT Though there was talk of building a Roosevelt library for years, the idea started to take shape in March 2020 when the foundation launched a design competition. That COVID-era timing proved serendipitous, OKeefe says, because it made the power of creating a place that would serve as a convening point all the more relevant. Later that year, Snhetta, an Oslo-based architectural firm, was unanimously selected as design architect. This is not a museum with only artifacts under glass. It is meant to be an experience, OKeefe says. Theres no point in building a presidential library to a president who has been gone for over 100 years unless youre going to do something dynamically different and for the future. [Rendering: Snhetta] Among the design elements that make this library different from others is its roof, featuring dozens of native plant species that will help the building blend seamlessly into the prairie landscape. The coming weeks will mark a milestone in the construction processthats when more than 28,000 plant plugs will be planted on the roof, which spans about three football fields in length, currently planned for June 6. The librarys architecture was inspired by a leaf atop two pebbles and is almost identical to the initial design, says Craig Dykers, lead architect for the project and co-founder of Snhetta. Once completed, people can ascend to the top of the roof for a view of the surrounding Badlands, the nearby Theodore Roosevelt National Park, nighttime stargazing and, eventually, events. I can tell you, its such a dramatic experience, Dykers tells Fast Company, adding that it was important to foster a direct connection with nature that Roosevelt enjoyed. It sort of purifies your soul and allows you to see things in a unique way. Beyond the roof, the butte where the library is situated is being restored to how it might have looked when Roosevelt came west, with native grasses that are more resilient in what can be a harsh and windy environment. Local ranchers have also been consulted as part of the design process and will experiment with grazing cattle and bison on the 93-acre site. [Rendering: Snhetta] A LIVING BUILDING The library is pursuing full certification from the International Living Future Institute as part of its Living Building Challenge, the most advanced measure of sustainability. The project will serve as a model of self-sufficiency, featuring zero energy, zero emissions, zero water, and zero waste sustainability aspects. Inside the library are walls made from rammed earth, or soil thats been compressed. Its the first time in modern times this ancient technique has been used in North Dakota, and a team based out of nearby Dickinson came together to learn how to make these walls, Dykers says. From the walls to the roof and beyond, the living building is intentionally tactile so that visitors feel a connection with nature thats pervasive. In such ways, the design draws as much inspiration from the uniqueness of the land as it does the uniqueness of the man. SLOWING DOWN In addition to pouring through a wealth of biographies, academic research, and Roosevelts speeches and writings, Dykers sought to better understand how that time in North Dakota helped break the presidents spell of mourning. So the architect embarked on a nearly two-week solo hike during COVID-era lockdowns in the national park and surrounding area. To be in that place was so powerful to me, and thats exactly what happened to Teddy Roosevelt, Dykers says. [Rendering: Snhetta] Even if many people arent inclined to do the same, a kidney-shaped cultural loop that surrounds the library will ensure visitors can appreciate the land from different perspectives, Dykers notes. Thats because the design is unusual in that its essentially flat, even though the land is not, which allows people to experience the rolling landscape in a unique way, he adds. Were trying to slow people down, so they look down at their feet for a moment or look across the horizon for a moment, to get a different sense of time, Dykers says. North Dakota has an exceptional horizon. INSPIRING VISITORS For OKeefe, who grew up in North Dakota, leading the foundation after a 20-year stint as a media executive has been a coming home of sorts. The future library and surrounding land will be an opportunity to introduce more people to his beloved home state. Just as Mount Rushmore has become a landmark destination in South Dakota, OKeefe envisions the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library someday becoming the same for North Dakota. And drawing people together in a place that held almost-spiritual significance for Roosevelt may have the same effect for those who embrace it, OKeefe says. The design is evocative of this purpose in bringing people together and exposing them to nature and trying to inspire them to live more purposeful lives, OKeefe says. The journey is the destination.
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E-Commerce
The United Nations was in a crisis: Elon Musk had taken control of the European Space Agency and all of its outposts in space to further the development of Starlink. Delegates to the U.N., already in a special committee discussing equitable ways to militarize outer space, discovered Musks plans. Hurriedly, the representatives from Japan, Germany, and Egypt came up with a way to rein in the rogue billionaire: kidnap him. Musk, ever noncompliant, hid out on the moon, took several ESA scientists hostage, and lobbed threats at the U.N. After a day-long stalemate, the delegates found a way to bring Musk safely down to Earth, regaining control of the ESA. The diplomats negotiating in this outlandish scenario werent professionals, and didnt have long and storied careers. Most of them werent even adults. They were high schoolers from around the world, and theyd come to Geneva, Switzerland, in mid-March for the 14th annual Yale Model United Nations Conference, Europe, looking to have a say in the future of global politics. But even in sessions where they role-played imagined, futuristic scenarios, this years Model U.N. attendees couldnt escape the present. The teen from New York who had played the role of the Egyptian delegate in the space-focused committee said it was funny that in their fictional world of outer space, which even included alien encounters, Elon Musk is still the corrupt figure, kind of pulling the strings behind an elected body that hes not really supposed to have control of. A common extracurricular for high school students with an interest in international relations, Model U.N. mirrors the procedure of real U.N. meetings. For the three-day YMUNE conference in March, hundreds of student delegates came from countries in Europe, Asia, and the Americas, traveling up to 6,000 miles with their schools to participate. Once there, students broke into committees, focusing on a topic of their choice for the duration of the conference. Some students attended General Assembly (GA) committees, exploring contemporary issues, such as nuclear energy, equitable internet access, and cryptocurrencies. Model U.N. deviates from the U.N. in that it often has faster-paced “crisis” committees that involve more direct action from participants; assassination attempts and other acts of sabotage are common. Other committees at this years YMUNE focused on historical and fictional events, like outer space colonization or the ethical struggles in Charlotte Brontės Wuthering Heights. I attended a specialized committee on the Paris Commune of 1871, where I worked with other delegates to create a stable and autonomous communist government. Delegates are expected to come to these conferences with some research done and a write-up of their assigned countries position. But once a committee starts, things tend to get chaotic, as teenagers in business attire fight for global influence. And this year, they were fighting for influence in the shadow cast by President Donald Trumps “America First” brand of diplomacy. The White House meeting heard round the world Model U.N. trains students to be the future of international diplomacy, an objective that feels more complex than ever. This year’s YMUNE conference took place two months after Trumps inauguration and just two weeks after his now infamous Oval Office meeting with Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Trumps approach to politics spilled into many of the committees, no matter the topic, and lingered in the minds of the student delegates. When asked about Trumps approach to foreign policy, many of the international students I spoke with expressed concern and outrage over his treatment of Zelenskyy. A group of girls from Germany had strong opinions on the issue, saying that Trump was selfish and impeding on democracy. One of the girls called the Oval Office meeting horrible to watch, adding that all [Trump] wanted to do was belittle [Zelenskyy] and make a fool of him in front of international television. Trump clearly doesnt want to work with [any] country, she said. He lies and says he wants to work with them, but in the end, its just for his own benefit. She was aware of Elon Musks interaction with far-right political parties in Germany, such as the AFD, and noted it was scary to see how such a far-right party is slowly gaining popularity in Germany. All the German girls seemed to agree that the U.N. had a mandate to fight undue U.S. influence. Even students who admired Trump seemed put off by the Oval Office meeting. A Brazilian student who voiced support for Trumps firm approach to foreign policy and appreciated his strong persona said, Its a little bit too radical to just lash out on Zelenskyy in the White House. As many of the delegates at YMUNE were European, they were all too aware of Trumps disdain for established alliances and his desire to limit military funding to Europe. A different pair of German students said they had an initial interest in some of Trumps more moderate policies, as they were similar to reforms they would have liked to see implemented in Germany. But now, one said: Hes quite literally going against the entire EU. The cloud of America First nationalism At the same time that the space committee was negotiating with Musk over his hostages, a different group of delegates gathered in a GA committee to discuss the uses of science and technology in international development. As the delegates looked for funding to support their proposals for nuclear energy and expanded internet access, a theme emerged: They were all wary of making alliances with the United States. According to the delegate representing Malaysia (a classmate of mine from New York City), the students representing developing nations were afraid the U.S. would try to monopolize the funding for their projects to have outsize influence over their countries. If the U.S. paid for cell towers and satellites, they reasoned, it could try to wrest control of them in the future. The delegate representing Iran remarked that the allies should quickly try to make a deal with the U.S. before Trump attaches strings to the money, seizes control of projects, and capitalizes on all of our collaboration. The cloud of American nationalism hung over the room, threatening tenuous collaborations. The delegate of Malaysia told me that all the delegates were aware of a shifting world order, and were cracking jokes about current events without ever saying explicitly that Trump was the biggest threat to the success of their proposals. Throughout the entire conference, delegates were finding that Trump wasnt just affecting the substance of YMUNE negotiations, he was altering the style of them. Some attendees felt they were witnessing a cultural shift. The usual schmoozing between delegates trying to make alliances was turning into something more sinister, as some students took on the personas and negotiating tactics of Trump and his allies. The positions taken by delegates in Model U.N. are just assumed for a few days. We are all essentially just playing a role. But the tactics that work for politicians in the real world also work for these delegates. Many saw strongman personas to be less palatable, but more effective, in getting peers on their side. I spoke with a girl from India who observed that many delegates this year believed they had the power to act or behave like Trump. She saw them using his polices to take really radical action that we have not seen before as well, pushing for more extreme proposals in direct contradiction of the collaborative purpose of Model U.N. She said some sessions were more about showing your personality than working together. A group of girls from Franconia, Germany, also had thoughts about the way delegates personas were changing in response to these politicians. They sensed that delegates were becoming more entitled and assertive, and that normally collaborative committee sessions were turning into power struggles. Its interesting to see other delegates embody a persona that is similar to Trump, said one of the girls, who was originally from the United Kingdom. She saw people dropping some of the refinement that negotiations are supposed to have in favor of louder and more aggressive posturing. She called this a risky game. Usually in YMUNE, delegates try to balance the complexities of global politics, humanitarian crises, and the diverse perspectives of the other delegates with the goals of the country or person they are representing. Even delegates representing more politically contentious countries dont want to make real enemies. But this year, most of the students I spoke with seemed to believe that diplomatic niceties were being lost, and that Trump was the main reason why. Politics or Puns? YMUNE is traditionally a place where delegate-students can build their public speaking skills, develop their ability to compromise, practice formal academic writing, and meet new people from around the world. Its also a place where they can practice real diplomacy. I, like many students, joined Model U.N. because I care about global political issues and want to feel like I am making a difference to solve themand because I like the idea of a career as a diplomat. But some delegates felt the connection between Model U.N. and the real U.N. had been severed with Trump undermining the U.N.s work. The delegate from the committee on outer space, who joined Model U.N. because he appreciated the chance to address world issues and to work toward real change, remarked that Model U.N. has started to feel less like a simulation of the U.N., and more like a fun activity to do, influenced by the news but removed of its broader significance. He had started to lose faith in the real U.N., too. He told me that if a president can push aside decades of good will as easily as Trump has, then international relations begins to feel like a futile field. He seemed to think that learning how to participate in real diplomacy through Model U.N. was no longer possible. I agreed with him. During this years meeting, I often felt shut down in committee sessions by the kinds of delegates who like to imitate Trumps behavior, and was treated differently by some of them because of my gender. I still care passionately about global politics, but am unsure if I will continue doing Model U.N. in college. Its frustrating to put work into conferences and feel as though my research is pointless, that I wont be listened to simply because I refuse to adopt the brashness of other delegates. I feel like my time is better spent addressing politics in other wayslike by writing articles. One evening, during a break in the conference, I stepped out of the hotel where the sessions were being held to buy some food at a nearby grocery store. On my way out, I was confronted with a large crowd of students. In the middle stood a boy from Massachusetts, engaged in a spirited impression of Trump. I fought my way to the center of the circle and introduced myself, asking for his name. My name is Donald J. Trump, he replied in a perfect imitation of the presidents drawl. I asked him for his stance on international policy. No one knows international policy better than Donald Trump, he responded. We love policy, and we love internationals, too. The crowd tittered. The boy absorbed the energy of his audience, growing bolder, matching the cadence of the president. What a great question. We love these questions, he went on. He kept it up for a few more minutes, the audience hanging on to every word. For the moment, at least, no one seemed too concerned with what the real Trumps policies meant for their futures. And then it was over. The crowd dispersed, meandering through the misty night back to the hotel, ready to engage in another two hours of committee sessions.
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