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Pedro Rioss paternal grandparents were both born in the United States, yet the government forced them to move to Mexico in the 1930s. They were teenagers at the time. Rios, the director of the American Friends Service Committees U.S.-Mexico Border Program, guesses that government officials sent his grandparents on trains to the border, but he doesnt know the story. Neither of them talked about the experience. He said his grandmother seemed to be unable to forgive the part of herself that led her to be expelled from her home country. She despised being Mexican to some extent, Rios said. I think it was because of the discrimination that she lived through. Over its history, the United States has repeatedly worked to exclude and remove people in moments when xenophobic, nativist, and white supremacist voices have swayed public opinion toward fearfrom the exclusion of Chinese immigrants, to the forced removals of Mexicans and Mexican Americans, to the relocation and incarceration of Japanese and Japanese Americans. The result of those efforts was often generational trauma, with elders unable to talk about what they went through, as in the case of Rios family. Now, with promises of mass deportation from the Trump administration, many academics see that history poised to repeat itself. Roberto D. Hernández, a professor of Chicano and Chicana studies at San Diego State University, said the racialization of Mexican and Mexican American people during deportation efforts of the 1930s and 1950s is similar to the messaging from white supremacist groups today. He pointed to a letter that circulated in Oregon in December calling for white residents to identify and report people they suspect of being undocumented, as part of a coming brown round-up under President Donald Trump. He said it contained the same messages of anti-Mexican racism that buoyed the movement in the 30s. With reports of Border Patrol agents carrying out mass arrests in Bakersfield, California, even before the inauguration, fear has grown in immigrant communities. In the days since Trump took office, an increase in immigration arrests is further stoking that anxiety. This kind of fear has long-term generational consequences, said Kevin Johnson, a professor of law and Chicano studies at the University of California Davis. Rios has witnessed that firsthand. Its unfortunate that the politics take precedence over peoples lives and the destruction that separation and forcefully removing people from their homes causes to family, Rios said. Rooted in Racism From their earliest appearances, the U.S.s laws, policies, and practices that limited certain nationalities ability to come or to stay were tinged with racist concerns about nonwhite men marrying white women and with fears that immigrants would take jobs away from people born in the United States. In the 1800s, Western states, including California, passed laws limiting Chinese and other Asian nationalities from entering their territories, owning land, and marrying white women. In 1879, Californias new constitution enabled state officials to remove immigrants who they deemed to be detrimental to the well-being of the state. Johnson said vigilante groups also took it upon themselves to scare Chinese residents into leaving. In the 1870s, many Chinese workers lived in Truckee, California, where they helped tunnel through mountains to complete the Transcontinental Railroad. One night in 1876, a group of white vigilantes went to the homes of some Chinese workers in that town and set them on fire. As the cabins burned, the vigilantes shot the people who fled, killing one. The vigilantes were tried for murder and acquitted by an all white jury, Johnson said. The group later received a cannon salute in celebration, and one of the members went on to become the towns constable. The incident became known as the Trout Creek Outrage. Now theres basically no Chinese presence in the town of Truckee, Johnson said. In May of 1882, Congress codified these fears into law by passing the Chinese Exclusion Act, which banned Chinese people from immigrating to the United States for 10 years. Officials built a prison on Angel Island in San Francisco to detain arriving Chinese immigrants. The ban was later extended, and as immigration laws evolved in the United States, lawmakers continued to find ways to keep most Asian nationalities out until a major change in immigration law in 1965. Its been often forgotten in California that our citizens as well as our government as well as the federal government engaged in these horrible acts, Johnson said. Mass Deportations With the onset of the Great Depression, state and local officials blamed Mexican immigrants, who had previously been welcomed during the labor shortages of World War I, said Hernández, the San Diego State University professor. Back then, Hernández said, the anti-immigrant rhetoric was purely economic. He said thats different from the Trump administrations tactics, which have used criminalization in addition to economic complaints to vilify immigrants. Though the federal government will lead deportation efforts under the Trump administration, the plans include deputizing local law enforcement to assist and pulling in military or National Guard for support. Hernández and Johnson both worry that these plans hearken back to practices in the 1930s and 1950s that saw U.S. citizens deported alongside immigrants. In the 1930s, local authorities, including police, rounded up people believed to be Mexican and sent them south. Most were taken away on trains and ships, Hernández said. I remember the big cattle boats coming down from Los Angeles, shipping Mexicans back to Mexico, Herb Ibarra, hen principal of San Diego High School, told The San Diego Union newspaper in 1979. My mother knew that a relative of ours was on one of the boats, so she took me with her to San Diego Harbor. I wont ever forget the boats, the humanity packed onto the decks under armed guard. The state and local officials leading the effort didnt put deportees through a formal process, Johnson said. There were no hearings. There was no due process, Johnson said. A lot of [U.S.] citizens were removed as well as immigrants. Some chose to self-deport, he said, including the family of former California Supreme Court Justice Cruz Reynoso, who was born in Orange County. Johnson said he worries that the fear inspired by Trumps rhetoric will similarly push families to leave on their own. In 1954, the federal government under the guidance of then-President Dwight Eisenhower led a second push to remove Mexicans through an effort that included a racial epithet in its name. This time, Johnson said, the deportations ran more like a military operation, with the National Guard providing some logistical support. During that time, many ended up in Mexicali, where they resettled as farmers, according to Jose Mena, who lives there and coordinates a coalition of migrant shelters. The fear and trauma left behind in the community that remained in the United States were profound. Former state Senator Martha Escutia told a story during her time in office about her father, who was afraid to walk to the corner store without his passport because he lived in Los Angeles during the 1930s and had a darker complexion that could have led police to racially profile him as an immigrant, Johnson recalled. Johnsons own mother, who is Mexican American, told him when he was young that his family was Spanish, even though they went to visit his grandmother in Mexico, he said. It had a lasting impact on the Latino community in Southern California in terms of sense of belonging and identity, Johnson said. Forced Moves Many Japanese Americans know that generational trauma well. During World War II, the U.S. government rounded them up and held them in hastily constructed prison camps. Trump has indicated that he might invoke the same law, the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, as part of his mass deportation plans, and that he will similarly construct facilities to hold people during the removal process. Much as Rioss grandparents didnt talk about their sudden forced moves to Mexico, Erin Tsurumoto Grassi, associate director of Alliance San Diego, an advocacy group for inclusive democracy, said her grandparents didnt say much about their time in U.S. government custody as Japanese American children. Her grandfather turned 12 the day then-President Franklin Roosevelt signed Executive Order 9066, which led to the relocation and incarceration of more than 120,000 people, including children. Her grandmother was 7 at the time. They remember the dust. They remember a ton of dust, Tsurumoto Grassi said. Dana Ogo Shew, a board member of Amache Alliance, which works to preserve and educate about the history of the Granada Relocation Center, also known as Amache, in Colorado, said that anti-Asian sentiment had been festering long before the Japanese military bombed Pearl Harbor. That hatred included organized leagues that tried for decades to get rid of Japanese people. That, she said, made it easier for the federal government to forcibly remove Japanese people from communities. After the executive order, the military worked with various civilian agencies to identify and move people. In the process, the government created the War Relocation Authority to lead the charge. Tsurumoto Grassi said the removals caused a repeated fracturing of the community. First, the government sent families to assembly centers. Her grandmothers family, she said, was held in a horse stall. Then, they went to long-term holding areas that had been quickly constructed, most in areas with extreme temperatures. Each time they moved, friendships and families were split apart, Tsurumoto Grassi said. The removals also had economic repercussions, Shew said. Some families quickly sold off what they owned before they left, often at prices far below market value. Those who owned property often lost it because they were unable to pay the mortgage. Others had their belongings stolen while they were imprisoned. The amount of loss in terms of dollars, theyve never been able to put a number on it because it would be so hard and so high to calculate, Shew said. Collectively, Shew said, the Japanese American community struggled to overcome the emotional toll in the years after they were allowed to return. They had so much fear and shame and felt like they had done something wrong, Shew said. They were afraid it would happen again, so they didnt talk about it. Not Going Quietly The descendants of those held in the prison camps are doing the work now to try to heal the generational trauma, Tsurumoto Grassi said. Though long dormant, the Alien Enemies Act is still on the books. Other immigration laws have changed, adding procedural requirements before someone can be deported, but its not clear whether the changes will be enough to prevent a repeat of the past. Many anticipate that whatever the Trump administration does will end up in legal battles. Its how the courts are going to interpret [the laws] in this context, said Adam Isacson of the human rights advocacy organization Washington Office on Latin America. In 1944, the Supreme Court decided in the case of Fred Korematsu, a Japanese American man represented by the American Civil Liberties Union, that there was military necessity to the forced removals. In 1983, a legal team got the case reopened, and a district court judge overturned Korematsus conviction for violating a military order, but the Supreme Court ruling remains precedent. Descendants of those harmed by U.S. policies of exclusion and forced removal hope that the country can learn from the pattern of misleading and discriminatory information making way for policies that uproot families and cause generational trauma. Lets just not make the same mistakes and get caught up in the same kind of hysteria. I mean, literally, its hysteria, Shew said. She said Japanese Americans have stood by other groups in moments of discrimination and marginalization, and that she expects them to do the same this time. Tsurumoto Grassisaid that if the government does return to the tactics of the last century, shes prepared to fight. She learned about what happened to her grandparents after attending a talk in college that brought her to tears. Her search to understand her familys history led her to the Japanese American National Museum in Los Angeles. While there, she could hear a pro-immigrant protest outside, she said. She realized then that she was meant to work in social justice. Weve learned the lessons of what happened, and I dont think were going to let people go quietly into the night anymore, Tsurumoto Grassi said. By Kate Morrissey, Capital & Main This piece was originally published by Capital & Main, which reports from California on economic, political, and social issues.
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You can learn many things from TikTok, like how to make a dense bean salad or how to tell if you have good facial harmony. Now, you can also enroll in college-level courses with TikTok as your classroom. Welcome to HillmanTok University. With Donald Trump busy rolling back DEI initiatives across higher education, dozens of creators are taking matters into their own hands and posting video courses to form a free educational community, with lessons varying from herbalism to gardening to history. Only a week old, HillmanTok is a growing movement with over 400 courses already on offer, all accessible for free. Named after the fictional university from late 1980s to early 1990s sitcom A Different World, the collection of courses are meant to provide an educational experience akin to attending a HBCU (Historically Black Colleges and Universities). The idea for HillmanTok came to Cierra Hinton, a sixth grade teacher in Georgia, when she stumbled across a TikTok video by Leah Barlow, a liberal studies professor at North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University. The video was solely intended for the 35 students enrolled in her Intro to African American Studies class. However, it quickly went viral, gaining an audience of over 4.3 million. Not me scrolling into a lecture hall, one user commented. We have homework due tomorrow!?! Lawd let me catch up and read my syllabus, another added. Inspired by Barlow, other Black professors and educators began sharing their own educational materials on TikTok and Hinton had the idea to pull all of these course offerings under the umbrella “HillmanTok.” If Barlows class doesnt strike your interest, how about a class in Black economics? Or organic chemistry? Lectures on any of these subjects are delivered in TikTok-length bursts, and in longer sessions over TikTok Live, with an audience of about 16,000 registered users on the HillmanTok official website. As well as courses, the website features a school store that sells T-shirts and issues student IDs. The school song, as voted for by participants, is Kendrick Lamars tv off and their mascot, a black panther. School colors are yellow and maroon in a nod to the original Hillmans University of A Different World. Due to the unwieldy nature of TikTok, its been difficult for Hinton to regulate, with some bad faith actors using the HillmanTok hashtag as a way to monetize their own content and sell merchandise and ebooks. Late last month, the original page to Hillman was hacked and there were outside attempts to have the name trademarked. Despite these bumps in the road, the mission for HillmanTok University remains the same: to provide free education for anyone who wants it.
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Leading a team has never been simple, but todays challenges demand something extra. With deep divisions in America spilling over into our workplaces, simply carrying on business as usual wont cut it. Employees are craving authenticity, transparency, and leaders who genuinely care. So, how can you step up, even when the path forward seems uncertain? Through conversations with leaders at Fortune 500s and fast-growing startups, we discovered three actions that can help you navigate this moment with courage and empathy. Cultivate trust through transparency & curiosity In an era marked by mass layoffs, arbitrary return-to-office mandates, and eroding faith in institutions, trust in leadership is waning. Our firm, The Courage Collective, held conversations with leaders that revealed two keys to restoring and sustaining trust: curiosity and transparency. Aisha Washington, global vice president and chief diversity, equity, and inclusion officer at HPE shared, Leaders who approach conversations with curiosity rather than judgment uncover deeper insights. Its about asking questions, being open to all perspectives, and using those insights to make informed decisions. A recent Gallup poll found that leaders who strongly exhibited clear communication, showcased an inspirational vision for the future, and supported change were trusted by 95% of their employees. Cultivating trust during precarious times demands acknowledging uncertainty and being honest about not having all the answers. Carolyn Moore, former CHRO and current managing director at Momentum People, explained, Its about honesty and vulnerabilityadmitting we dont know everything but creating trust by being open and realistic. Leaders should be ready to ask the difficult questions: Whos being left out of the conversation? How can I showcase that every employee’s feedback is valuable? Transparency without fear tactics fosters openness and empowers teams to navigate challenges together. Leaders who embrace open dialogue, share information honestly, and leverage insights to inform decisions create a strong foundation for trust. Generating an uplifting vision, rather than setting punitive standards, is the emerging core competency of successful leaders. Defining the organizations direction (the vision), while allowing the how to emerge through team collaboration is essential. Let go of the (impossible) burden of having all the answers and lead through curiosity, transparency, and trust. Invest in opportunities for connection & community care If a return to office is necessary to foster a healthy work culture, leaders must communicate their intentions effectively. Positioning it as a faux productivity boost sends a message of mistrust. Employees will quickly poke holes in this rationale and absorb the implicit message, if I cant see you working, I dont trust that youre doing your best. Marc Berger, EVP at DH, observed that rigid [return to work] policies can lead to frustration and disengagement, particularly when there is a lack of intentionality with how the time is spent. The truth is, leaders from a variety of work structures have found employees willingand sometimes eagerto be in person if theyre given flexibility and purpose. Leaders should lean into a new normal by creating opportunities for meaningful connections. Below are a variety of tactics leaders are using to make in-person days feel more purposeful, connected, and collaborative. Purpose-Driven Office Days: Leverage in-office days to foster collaboration with all-hands meetings or cross-team working opportunities Meaningful All Company Retreats: Host at least and invest in one or two all-hands meetings annually with balanced agendas that blend structured discussions with team-building events. Invest in the Experience: Allocate resources for well-organized, engaging events to encourage alignment and connection. Encourage Feedback and Continuous Improvement: Gather employee input to refine future meetings and ensure they align with team needs. Prioritize the human experience through active listening & meaningful response In times of compounding crises, employees long to be seen, heard, nurturd, and encouraged. More than ever, employees are seeking workplaces where they can share feedback, experience deep listening, and see change enacted as a result. While many organizations have created systems to signal care about receiving feedback, failing to act on it often leaves employees feeling frustrated and micromanaged. Elaine Gibbons, chief impact officer at Panorama Global, shared, One of the biggest gaps in organizations is a lack of true listening. Leaders must go beyond collecting employee feedbackthey need to act on it consistently and authentically. When employees see their input driving real change, not only do they feel valued, their commitment to the organization strengthens. Simply put, if you ask for feedback, ensure that there is follow-through and follow-up. When employees see leaders actively listening and enacting real change, it builds connection, motivation, and trust. For many organizations, employee morale is at an all-time low. The simple act of deep listening and connecting to employees on a human level can drive meaningful change, especially in challenging times. As workplace dynamics evolve, leaders have a unique opportunity to rise to the occasion and demonstrate effective, human-centered leadership. The future of leadership demands courage, empathy, and a steadfast commitment to growth. While some challenges may seem daunting, they also present an opportunity for leaders to create workplaces where people feel empowered to do and be their best. The world of work is evolving. The way you lead should, too.
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